Indo-European linguistics and classical philology
S. G. Bolotov. The theefold reflexion of shortened Indo-European long syllabic resonants in Latin (pp. 40–51)
Author
S. G. Bolotov (Moscow)
Keywords\n Indo-European (Proto-Indo-European), Indo-European long syllabic resonants, shortened Indo-European long syllabic resonants, *l , *r , *m , *n , Latin language (Latin), shortening of Celtic-Italic lengths, alternation of quantities (lengths), movable stress (pitch), accentual valency, accentual paradigm, accentual mobility, syllabic intonations, metatony
Pages\n 40–51
Summary\n
The article presents a continuation of a previous study (Bolotov 2012) which established three possible reflexes of *l̥̄ , *r̥̄ , *m̥̄ , *n̥̄ in Latin: not only the traditionally accepted lā, rā, mā, nā (= Rā), but also lē, rē, mē, nē (= Rē) and lī, rī, mī, nī (= Rī). It addresses the threefold character of the reflexion of shortened Indo-European long syllabic resonants. This shortening took place in Latin in the period when Latin stress was not yet fixed on the initial syllable and was free like Indo-European stress is supposed to be. When the traditionally accepted ancestors of Indo-European shortened long syllabic resonants look in Latin like ăl, ăr, ăm, ăn (= ăR) it seems logical to assume the shortened counterparts of the Rē and the Rī series to look like ĕl, ĕr, ĕm, ĕn (= ĕR) and ĭl, ĭr, ĭm, ĭn (= ĭR), accordingly [at least at the stage before the succeeding sound changes took place]. The first part of the article treats the primarily quantitatively opposed series Rā (long) and ăR (long shortened), as well as ăR series without corresponding non-shortened pairs, and roots (bases) with rī (long) and ĭr (long shortened) correspondences, as well as with ĭr that have no long counterpart. Some more new etymologies (including several orphan ones meeting their cognates and otherwise left unattached) fitting newly proposed correspondences as well as several adjustments to the existing etymological (historical- phonetic, historical-morphological) solutions are proposed. As before, the major part of the apposed material appears to be Baltic or Indo-Aryan because of their special ability to mark both resonants’ syllabicity and length, but also helping to establish the prosodic (accentual) status of the bases being treated (due to the fact that the shortening of Celtic-Italic lengths is supposed to be linked to unaccented vowel or syllabic resonant position, see Dybo 1961). The author again follows a rather disjunctive tendency both in morphological attestation (thus avoiding arbitrary root-base settings, ad hoc affixation admissions and multiple paradigm mixtures) and in semantic specification (in order to avoid any notion of derivation from beating-cutting) his targets being: (1) most precise word-to-word fronting and (2) evasion of oversized nesting bundles of Indo-European etyma.
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